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This paper presents a counterexample to the Miyagiwa ((1991) American Economic Review 81, 1320–1328) claim that discriminatory government procurement policy is ineffective as a protectionist device, when the goods are also consumed by the private sector. The procurement sector is a...
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We consider a set-up where two governments have either conflicting or matching preferences on the provision of differentiated (local) goods supplied by a common monopoly bureau. We develop a two-stage game. At stage-1, the two governments decide whether or not to merge into a single institution....
Persistent link: https://www.econbiz.de/10005007147
This paper presents a counterexample to the Miyagiwa (1991) claim that discriminatorygovernment procurement policy is ineffective as a protectionist device, when the goods are alsoconsumed by the private sector. The procurement sector is a homogeneous product Cournot-Nashduopoly, with a home and...
Persistent link: https://www.econbiz.de/10005007176
This article considers the incidence and welfare effects of a specific excise tax in a unionized duopoly model with differentiated products, linear demand and cost curves, and wage bargaining. The article allows for both Cournot and Bertrand competition. The article shows that unionization...
Persistent link: https://www.econbiz.de/10005007422
This paper considers the impact of the Constitutional Court on legislative output in Italy.Following Tsebelis' (2002) veto players model and the stylised facts as regards the Italian Constitutional Court's activity, this paper presents a multi-stage game in the spirit of Gely and Spiller (1990)....
Persistent link: https://www.econbiz.de/10005007464
We consider a three sector small open economy with a monopolistic non traded sector, a competitive traded good sector, and a capital good sector. In both the consumer good sector, there are enterprise unions that bargain sequentially over wages and employment as in Manning [1987]. This approach...
Persistent link: https://www.econbiz.de/10005066027
In this paper, we consider the sentences of constitutional illegitimacy by the Italian Constitutional Court in the First Republic (1956--1992) as a measure of its independence from politicians. We focus on the Court's incidental review and test whether the Court's independence increases when...
Persistent link: https://www.econbiz.de/10005674956